E 671 
.S557 
Copy 1 



SPEECH OF HON. JNO.'silERMAN, 

^tJ3elaware, O., Sept. 8, 1 H TO. 



1 cooiesa, fellow-citizers, I enter upon this poiitioal 
caovass raiher lazily. We have bad a long aijd 
wearisome session ol Congress, wlicre talk flowed in 
ail Interrupted slreain. Xlie heat was sometinifs 
more stifling than in any harvest lield iu Ohio. In 
tbe Senate we have no way to stop debate, except to 
wear out the Ictiaest talker of tbem all— and some- 
times ii required all night for this. You can Im- 
Bgine how charming a change it was Iroia those 
heated sessions to the country air ot Uuio and to the 
Ireedom of social life at home. I was, therefore, g)ad 
that the Kepuldican Committee, charged with the 
management of thiH canvass, left us to rest awtille, acd 
it is now in obedience to their request that 1, as one 
ot your public agents, come here to discuss the polit- 
icail questiocs ot the day. 

I congratulate you on the fact that these questions 
are comparatively uninijiortaut. It is tiue they al- 
Icct the material interests of forty-two uiillions ol 
people, but they do not involve our national existence 
or fundamental principles, like those that haveoecu- 1 
jiied us lor more than tilteen years. I'ho slavery I 
question excited the deep, st'Otig and impaBsioned iu- j 
torest of us all. The war involved the lives of mil- i 
lions ol our people, inovii«g ihtm to extraordinary j 
activity and bringing into our political contests the ! 
passions inseparable trom war. Tne question ol reor- i 
ganization atl'ected rights of States, or large masses of ! 
our citizens. Kow slavery is abolished, the war is I 
over, and all the States are in their proper sphere— a 
part ol a great and powerful nation. } 

We still have some vestiges of tue war in lawless < 
violence in the South — but, couslderiug the magui- ' 
tiideot the contest, no war ever ended more happily, 
or, in its general results, has bee-a more benehcial to 
both friend and foe. It is quite natural for people 
Bfrer the long excitement ol such a struggle to lold 
their arms, and let politics and elecMous yo as ttiey 
will. But in a govornmeut like ours, where every- 
thing depends upon the popular Judgment, we can 
take but little rest. Kew questions arise or old ques- 
tions are revived, and if these fail, you have still at 
jour annual eleciions to pass judgment on the offi- 
cial conduct of your public agents. 

Now it so happens that neaily all the qnpstians Id 
which you take an interest were debated and ac'ed 
upon by Congress, at Its last session, and the princi- 
pal Interest ot this election turns upou the ekctiou ol 
iiiernberB of the House ot Kepresentaiives. 

THB DKMOCRATIC PARTY BEVIKWEO. 

One would suppose that if a I'eniocrafic niemborof 
Congress, who was hiuisell a candidate lor re-election, 
should appear before you to make a speech, be would 
either discuss the jMjlicy of his party during these 
iryipg times, or he would arraign the mi'asures 
aiiopted by the Republican party, or he would pre- 
sent some grave question for your judgment, and con- 
nect it in some w^ay with the approaching eKcilmi. 

1 have always regarded General Morgan as one of 
the most respectable and astute members of the 
l>emocratic party, and hoped and expected that I 
would find in his carefully prepared speech hero the 



other day a text of a candid and intelligent disriis- 
sion of the past and present issues between the great 
parties of the country; but with commendaliU- 
prurience, which proves his sagacity, he siiys not oiie 
word iu defense ot the Democratic party lor the last 
fiffeen years. 

Kuw before I refer to what General Morgan does 
say, Itt me rec ill to you the state of affairs in De- 
cember last. The Itepiibliean policy of reconstruc- 
tion was then practically settled by the election of 
General Grant. It only remained for the rebel States, 
one by one, lo conform to the law and be rtstortd to 
full reprpsentatinn in Congress. 

Tnis has now been done, and, at the nest session, 
every si;at wiU be tilled and every State represenitd. 
No retiel has been deprived of his lite, his liberty or 
bis property since the war closed, by reason of bis 
rebellion, however cruel and barbarous may have 
been his conduct; and no civil or political disabiliiy 
whatever uow rests upou any rebel by the laws of tm' 
United States, except that a lew who commltttd per- 
jury at the outset of the war can not now hold ari 
office of honor, trust or protit in the United Sta'- t 
without .the consent of two-thirds of Congress, \\ ,^ 
may have to pay the penalty of this great liberality . 
It is certainly unexampied in the history ol uiai - 
kind, and could only have been adopted by a liueral 
party in a republican government. Now, in this 
whole process of reconstruction, the Kepubli'-an 
party was guided by a generous and liberal Bpiii', 
taking its steps slowly and surely in harmony wirh 
the prople. Their work now rests upon an eiulurii g 
principle. The Constitution is now in harmoty wi:u 
the Declaration ol Independence. 

No fdir mau, however strongly prejudiced against 
the Republican party, cau truly say that ttiis parly 
has not been able, falthlu! and successful in tbead- 
ministraiion of this government. I do not wish to 
fipeak as a partisan, but it ia just to the Rfpublican 
piirty to recall their steady success, and their steady 
support by the people. In every stage they have 
been opposed by the Democratic party — the s-iuie 
party that now acks you to trust them with poliih nl 
power. How strange now seems the position taken m 
dltf'erenf tijuts by the Democratic parly. It was ibis 
party that, opened up the slavery question by the re- 
peal of the Mis.souii comtiromi;<e, and with the 
! avowed purpose ot extending slavery. It 
was this pa'ty that supported the; 
' irauds and crimes by which slavery was 
to be p«t»bll8hpd In Kansas. It was this party that 
1 elected James Buchanan, whose iinbr ilify made the 
j war inevitable. I do not care now to dwell upon the 
course of the Democratic parly during the war, lor 
I all these matters are too Iresh lor intelligent men 
jlifteyouto forget. The policy of liie Democralir 
I party af.er the war was even more injurious than 
during the war, lor it aimed to destroy all the iiaiiir»l 
results ot the war. Their policy waj to restore ilin 
rebels as nearly as pospiliJH to their former dotuiii- 
auce, and to restore the enianrlpil'ed slaves as n«ar 
as possible to slavery again. They have take no 
political position since the war that did not look 
to the restoration of the old pro-slavery order of 



"SsST 



tilings. They uniformly opposed every measure fori 
the security of loyal people, white or black, and | 
when sagacious men among them have appealed to 
the party to acknowledge acrouiplished facts, and 
lake a new departure, the controlling sentiment of 
the party rejected such ccun&els. But in spite o 
their opposition In peace and In war, the Republican I 
party have settled beyond question the liberty of all 
L-iti/eDB, the equal rights of all citizens, and the; 
strength and power of the Government to deal with 
all its enemies. We are now in that happy condition i 
wtiere we have only to deal with the minor topics of 
|)fateiul times. | 

Now, I asK you, fellow citizens, Is this not some- ' 
itiiti|; 10 b«f;in with'.' Dla Weneral Morgan give us 
(I. lilt lor all these great results? If is very cl«ver in 
III 111 to charge us with the sins of Johnson's admin- 
iH'intion, but he might have given us some credit for 
I lie past. But I meet him on his own ground. lam 
willing to take the administration of General Grant, 
nod the action of the present Congress as a part of It, 
»ud stand or fall by the judgment of the people on 
that. Let us take the tirst year of Grant's adminis- 
tration and compare it with the last year of John- 
son'.s and bow does the record stand? 
Krom March 1st, 1808, t« March 1st, 1809, this official 

.itatemt nt shows that .lohnson expended.. 8^58, i:!l,447 
From March Isf, 1869, to March Ist, 1870, Grant ex- 
pended 8 '9r{,6?,;! 7S14 

Snowing a reduction of expenditures of 501,497,653 

And Ibis reduction has been going on ever since. 

It you take from this expenditure that which grew 
out ol the war as the interest oi the debt and the pen- 
sions, the civil expenses are less in propnrlion to our 
population than during the year ol Buchanan's ad- 
ministration. 

The wliole expenses, including army and navy, and 
excluding the public debt, pension "list, and other 
matters growing out of the war, were $30,882. 98a in 
r-urrency. 

Again, take the collection of revetne in the same 
years. The taxes and the rates of them were pre- 
C'Hf ly the same; but from March 1, K'08, to March 1, 
l.sO'.i. the receipts wne Slo6,138,lG3, and from March 
], ISOii, to March 1, 1870, the receipts were S17o, 467,141, 
sbowing an increase by the honest collection of taxes 
of S19,:;'-'8,973, and mostly in the luxuries of whisky 
and lotiftceo. This increase is still going on, so that 
in the fust eighteen montba of Grant's administra- 
tion, we are able to increase the yield of internal 
t iires nionn. over thirty millions, witliout increasing 
a single tax. 

At;am — lake the reduction of the public deVit. In 
thrt last year oi John«on's administration, the public 
dent was reduced j-,'),959,71S. in the lirst year oi 
(ir-int's administration it was reduceil 587,181,78^ — or 
aditt'erence In one year of over 881000,100. In 
eighteen wont hs ol (irant's administration, without 
the iiicreaseof one dollar in the rate of taxation, the 
delir has been reduced over one hundred and mxty 
millions of dollars; and is now less than S2,:;iiO,M(jO,- 
ono. including greenbacks, Iractioual notes, and every 
lorm of debt. 

.\gai(i— Look at the national taxes. Since the war 
wi; have gradutUy and cautiously reduced our inter- 
nal taxes— hut under (irant's administration we were 
ante, under the present careful management ol our 
liiirtdees, to reduce taxes by wholesale. At the last 
s"ssion we repealed the mass oi these taxes — 
HiMoiioting according to an ollicial statement 
I iiHve just received to Jio, '212 000 inleroal taxes, and 
S20,0(ii,ti00 taritJ duties, or over $81,f00,000 in all. 
Alter Ibis year there will be no intorn^l taxes levied 
by the United Slates, except on whisky, tobacco, 
stamps and income; and the income and st-amp tax is 
largely reduced. Kow is not this doing well ? 

How does Gen. Morgan meet these plain and simple 
facts, known to him very well, and shown in these 
ollicial papers? We will see after while. 

But. one point in passing. He assumes with a lofty 
tndillerenie of parties and of I'lcidents that he is 
lioi r. sponsible lor President .Johnson. He did not 
Vote tor him, and, as 1 will phow, he actually charges 
hiiuwithan impeachable oUense. But If Morgan is 
lot responsible for .Johnson, what shall we say of our 
iiiend Hubbell? He is the Democratic candidate in 
our district. He not only voted for .Johnson, but fol- 
lowtd him into the democratic party, and left his old 



friends of the Bepublican party, who had been true, 
and kind, and partial to him, in order to emphaslv.e 
his devotion to Johnson. 

But let us go back. What were the leading questions 
of the last session ol Congress? What were the ob- 
jects you wished accomplished ? One was the reduc- 
tion of the interest of the public debt, so as to lessen 
Its burden; another was to give to the West Its tair 
share of the paper money ot the country; another 
was the reduction of taxation; another was rigid 
economy in public expenditures. Did Gen, Morgan 
enlighten you on any of those questions? Did be 
tell you how the Democratic party resisted the Fund- 
ing bill, in order that the very weight of the debt 
might lead you to justify measures tending to Impair 
the public credit? Did he ever discuss the question 
as to how or when the public debt should be paid? I 
see nothing of this in his speech, though it was one 
on which there was much debate and anxious consid- 
eration. Bo with the Currency bill. When, un- 
der the existing law, the Kast got a great advantage 
over the West and bnutn In the organization Of 
National Banks, the Democratic party made the 
greatest clamor over it. It was the chiet pointof Gov. 
.Seymour's speeches in 1868, when he took the stump 
for himself as President. Though all this arose out of 
an error of construction by Secretary McCuJloch and 
Comptroller Clark, yet when an opportunity to correct 
it was otTered, Gen. Morgan and his political associates 
were found voting against the bill. So with the reduc- 
tion of taxes. We were ready to, and did, as I have 
shown, throw off eighty-one millions of dollars ot 
taxes. There was much debate and controversy as to 
what taxes should be repealed — as to how the farltt 
was to be altered. Here was a place where Gen. Mor- 
gan could have told you whether he was for free trade 
or a revenue tariff, or whether there is any difference 
on this question betweenBeatty and Hubbell. But ui->on 
this point he was as silentas anoyster. And so I am 
bound to say, on all these questions of practical poll- 
tics now in issue, upon which the people engaged In 
every day pursuits naturally want and are seeking 
Information, General Moigan did not present the 
questions involved in this election, but only gave you 
dry husks, or scattered and immaterial statemerts 
easily collected and put together as to any adminia- 
iraiion by one far less able to engage in political de- 
bate than he is. 

Let us see. He tells you, but not for the first time, 
how good and virtuous you, the people, are or ought 
to be— and that you alone, ol all the world have tree 
institutions; and that the good ol your country is of 
more Importance than the success of any party. Ad- 
mitted. He tells you the people demand reform, and 
the highest evidence of it is, that the Democratic 
party had nominated James R. Hubbell— a lifelong 
Whig and Republican. If to secure reform, they 
must takea Kepublicau, why not take a good one? 
Well, I suppose they nominated Hubbell in the hope 
th»t he would get a few Republican votes herein 
Ddiware. 

'I he next great truth he tells us is that the Re- 
publican party lives only in name. It so, wheie 
does the Democratic party live? It is in the 
graves of Pierce and Buchanan, and a dishonored 
lecord. 

Differences exist among Republicans, he sajs. 
True, and I trust independent opinion will always 
exist In our party. We can not be voted from a tally 
j list like New York city. And then he tells us what 
the Democrats will do when restoied to power. His 
promises are not very definite, hut they are 
Piditical promises are very cheap by lui- 
We judge a tree by its fruits— a party by 



enough. 
norltiFs. 

its acLs. 



When the devil was sick. 

The devil a monk would be, 
When the devil got well. 
The devil a monk was he. 
He then undertakes to tell us what becomes of the 
money of the people— and the highest and only 
evidence of the awful atrocity ot the Republican 
party was the fact quoted with much detail 
irom the report of the Auditor of Ohio, that 
In 1809 our State taxes amounted to the 
enormous sum of 822.232,877, while in 18G0 
they only amounted to 810,817,676, an Increase of 811,- 
41.5,201. Is it not strange, loUow citizens, that he 



3 



s;^ forgot to tell you that in 1860 we had a Republican 

~v( Lesislature, and that every dollar of the 822.232,877, 

collected in 1869, was voted by a Democratic Legisla- 

"Otiire In both Houses — the same Legislature that 

elpcted my colleague. Jndae Thurman, to the Senate 

V^ot the Unl'ed States? This, certainly, is astriking 

^ il'uetratlon of what will become of the taxes paid hy 

J "the people, if yon are ever so unwiue as to elect a 

•^Damoeraiic Legislature again. 

V,', (.rant's administration. 

Aud ihc-n General ^Iorgau arraigns General Grant 
personally as heing intiuenced by bribery and nepo- 
tism. Now, a stood deal has been said about General ; 
Grant appointing bis relatives to otiiee, but T affirm 
I hat with two or three exceptions of minor offices at- ; 
tauhed to his person, Gen. Grant has been as I'ice from 
lois as any President for tilYy years. I do not deem it ' 
necessary to rejily to the comparison of Gen, Grant 
to Whittemore. No man can truly question the in- 
tegrity of the President. In kingly governments the 
crown rewards great services iiy royal giUs. In a re- 
publican government the peonle feel at liberty to do 
the same. We ?ll voted for General Grant as a just 
rero.;nit.ion lor his great services, but Republicans do 
not consider themselves, therefore, as ineligible to 
hold office under liira. Wmlthy citizf^nsof the East, 
long btfore Grant was a randida'e for President, chope 
to show thf-ir appreciation of his services by a large 
giff. ii-eply and voluntarily bestowed. There is no in- , 
s'ance whatever where any iuipartial man can say 
tnat thpre is the slightest eviflence that these volun- 
tary oH'priDgs of private citizens led to the appoint- 
ment of any one of them. 

Now the error of Gen. Grant in appointments, if he ' 
has committed any, is in regarding political expe- 
rionce as the ground lor exclusion from office. Nearly 
all his chief apjiointments have been of a non-parti- 
fau character. He announced this a.s hlspurposein 
his ioauguiai, he started it in the formation of his 
(Cabinet, and he has adhered to it since. It has befu 
Ubual for tue President to surround himself with 
leading inliuential repre."enta1ives of bis partv, and 
to call their secret counsels a polii >/, and then by ex- 
ecutive influence and patronage to' enforce th.it upon j 
the people and Congress Gen. Grant re'uses to do, 
this, whether wisely or not, but has selected his .See- ■ 
retaries with a view to tiiie honest and faithful per- ; 
I'ormance of iheir executive duties. For this reason 
he named such a matt as A. T. Stewart, of N^w York, 
as Secretary of the Treasurv, and others of like char- 
Hctfr. who certainly brought no political influence to ] 
his aid. And this eli'ort to avoid partisan counsels 
has been the foundation of the base personal innuen- 
does and attacks that have been made upon General 
Grant i 

Now what else dof s General Morgan say ? He tells 
you that it is a notorio is fact that each of General j 
Grant's Cabinet officers and heads of bureaus keeps a ! 
carriage and horses, coachman and footman, all paid j 
for with the people's taxes and without authority ofl 
law. Now, it is a fact that for twenty years and I 
more, far back into Democratic times, there has been j 
regularly attached to each of the chief executive] 
otHces, a one horse carryall, which has been used by 
tiie bead of the department or bureau to carry the 
mail, and if needed, to expedite him over that city of 
uiagniticent distances. These have been regularly 
appropriated lor every year by Congress, and each] 
Hous<* of Congress has several of them. As for the 
coachman and footman, consider them as in-j 
c'uded in one negro messenger, who attends 
the jdoor and runs errands, and you have the 
who^e of this magDificent array. There is a 
great deal of humbug, fellow- citizens, in this kind of 
riemagogism, and it is a compliment to the Republican 
parly that my iriend Morgan, in his grand opening 
fpeech, can tiod nothing else to arraign uh for than that 
«e have not yet corrected all the abuses of Democrat- 
ic times. But I promise you I will call tho attention 
nt Dawes to this matter, and he and Morgan— one on 
ea;:h side— cun see to It that these Cabinet officers 
^aal! walk to Ca"iinet councils, and Eot ride, except 
at, tht-irown expense. 

My o«n opinion is that these officers are inade- 
quately paid. Their salary was fixed long before the 
war; their tenure is very uncertain ; they are com- 
pelled by public opinion and the people theiriBelves to 



receives great many visitors. True economy would 
be consulted by giving them a salary amply sufficient 
to support a family in liberal style, and to hire or buy 
a suitable carriage and horses, without resortins to 
the Government carryall. General Morgan is bebinn 
the times He underrates the intelligence of the peo- 
ple when he resorts to such stuff to impugn the integ- 
ritv of Gjv. Cox and his associates. 

But he says these Cabinet officers take money from 
the Treasury without an appropriation by law, and 
that they pay without authority of law higher 
salaries than are provirUd i>y law. Now this is sim- 
ply impossible. The Comptroller.o, Auditors, am) 
the old watch dog. Spinner, would not allow a dolUr 
to be taken except by authority of law. In this thpv 
are entirely Independent of the President and Cabi- 
net officer?. The cases he parades where certain 
clerks wi^re allowed extra compensation, were ex- 
pressly provided (or bv law, and the law was aclt-d 
upon by Chase, Fessenden and McCuUoch, as well as 
Boiitwell. But he says that in four years these Sec- 
retaries paid $78,:t97 to Adams Express C^ornpanv 
(or carrying the forma upon which notfs and 
bonds are rtrlnted, when they could have been sent 
through the mail for one hnndretlth part of the co.st 
Well, if they had |f<ent these precious p>»per8, upon 
the custody of which rests our chief security againnt 
counterfeiting, through the mails, they should have 
been sent to tho lunaric asylum. He savs we have 
paid S4, 107,000 since 18t!2 for printing bonds and not* s 
Could it have been done for less'.' Tioes he say it 
could? The truth is, no operation of the Government 
IS more delicate and dangerous, atxl none has been 
more successful in safety, chespn<ss and security 
than the preparation and issue of the vast aggrega'B 
of paper securities issued by the Government in the 
aggregate of over 110,000,000,000. 

WHO ARE THE RASCALS, 

He closes this part of his speech by these wori1% 
"Ami in this connection let mc ask, wBy have not the 
National Banks been reijuired to i>ay tor the paper, 
engraving, aud jirintirig of their own notes, instead of 
your being taxed for that purpose?" 

Alas : poor Yorick. The National Banks have been 
bitter! V eomp!ai)?ine tliat we not only made them pay 
for their own notes, but that we have made them pav 
ten times the cost. The truth is that we make them 
P'^y, not as a part of their internal taxes, but for the 
very purpose of paving this expense, one per cent, an- 
nually on the amount of their circii'ation, or thrfe 
million of dollars p^r year; fo that in this way the 
National Banks have paid into the Treasury four 
times the cost of preparing all the bot;d3 and notfs 
issued by the I'nited Statessince the war commenced ; 
and this goes to swell fhe gentrsl revpnue and Ifsseu 
your taxes. Now, did General Morgan know this 
fact? 

But now couies a terrible sensation. Three hundred 
and forty internal revenue defaulters. He says, 
"when I tell you that there have been three hundred 
and forty defaulters among the collectors of internal 
revenue, you look surprised, and ask one another 
'why have not we been told of this before.' For the 
simple reason, my friends, because the facts 
had been concealed, and had to be 
dug out." Now this is an interesting pic- 
ture; three hundred and forty defaulters, rascals, 
thieves, and as many more rascals in the Tressu'-y 
Department, including Secretary Boutwell, Commi.-- 
sioner Delano, Comptroller Taylor, and such likp, 
covering up, hiding, concealing this rascality, and 
then comes our friend. Gen. Morgan, the virtuous, the 
incorruptible miner into rascality, digging up, yes, 
digging up this mass of corruption. Yes, I dug it up . 
I, General Morgan. And to strengthen his assertion 
be gives names; and among them Frank Soule and 
Sheridan Shook, familiar names in Johnson's time— 
chaa3pions of the whisky ring— good Democrats. 
I Now while you look surprised, I can hardly Im- 
agine how MeCuHoch .and Rollins, Boutwell and De- 
: lano, Stanbery. Evarts and Hoar looked, if ever they 
' read this. They are honorable men, bound to pre- 
vent rascality, and don't like to be shook in the same 
bag with Sheridan Shook. And what must be the 
feeling of the S40 collectors, including nearly ti-very 
man who formerly held that office. They are 
branded as deeply aa General Morgan can brand 



\ 

tlipiii. What is tlip basis of this whole- ' i^orrcit ilicse abusRs, but. a Deiuocralic Stuato stood 
Rain charije? It is true that during the cloai; m tho way. During ibn war it was eisential to con- 
1)1 Johuson'a adiniDistration the Iiiifiiial Rpvenuptlnue tbis power as to the army and uavy, but (^n- 
p«rvice became deiiiorallz<'d. I am not, here as thede- gress Jituited tne power to these twodeoartioents. 
ifnder of the eollectors; Uiibhell oiiyht to be tbat. Since the wwr, upon my nioiiou, and luaiiily in con- 
Ni'veral of the leadirg olhcers openly usrd their spguence of Willcs' order, the transfer of approprn- 
oftices to promote the policy of Andrew Johnson. ' rions was prohibited in all cases— and it was by this 
Moat of these named l)y Mort;an are Hhioiiii; litiht."; of provision of law, inserted in 1868, that Admiral Por- 
lliiB facliou. 6oiue few, perhajis ten in all, became ler was brought up wii h a short turn last year, when 
defaulters. ' he undertook by tho transfer of appropriations to lin- 

The rf St are not now and never were 80. loder the | proviso a new navy. We were asked last wicter by 
revenue laws all assessnientH, of whatever character, * t.he tipcrtt.ary of the Navy lo authorize the transfer, 
« oeiher legal or illegal, whether excessive or not, an<l but this was refu»etl by CoBgresp. 
whether collectable or not, are charved on the There is another mode in which the power of C»n 
books of the Treasury to the collector. He can only s,'refs lo liuiii exoendiiures has been evaded timeout 
aiquit himself )iy paying over the amount in ul mind, and that is by using unexpended balances 
money, or In tlie final settlement of his ac- of old apnmniiations. This is a lapping game. The 
count, showing what could not be collected. His routiio olticers ot the departuioots always insis'nd 
mere current vouchers, though sworn to, are nntsulli- ; that ti)ey could not get along wiibout tbis practice, 
dent. They are received as his statement of current ' though it led to fcandajous aluises. Well, at the last 
account, hut are not audited until his accountcan be | se.'isioii, Couirrpss, on my motion, prohibited appro- 
examined iiy auditors and coui))trollcrs, and i)aBsed ' priation made lor one year to be used in any suiise- 
llnough all tho machinery provided to fettle ac- : '(uent year, except to pay old expenses actually con- 
ciunts. Is'ow the simple explana'ion of the matter tracied liut not paid. '1 his and the law of 18li8 cu's 
that Gen. Morgan dug into is that the accounts in the up at the roots these nbuses, and leaves the Execu- 
t reasury showed to the debit of these collectors large , live lip)>artmenis to exoeud only tbe actual sums ap- 
balances of uncollected and uncollcctable assessments, . pvojiriaied lor specific purposes and within a 
which in nine ca^es out of ten were turned over to i given yt-ar. Now this Important reform has 
their successors, or were insolvent. The vouchers to j been made without the aid of General Morgan or 
settle these act-ounts may be, and do doubt are, on his associates, and bus been applied by a Republican 
lile. and in due course the balance, if any, will be Coniiress to a llepublican administration. Why 
adjusted and paid, i^ow, It is just as cr.tcl and hard j could not <i en. Morgan inform ><ju of this when he 
to call these men ruscals and defaulters, as It ' talked of or<ier No 7."i .' II he is in earnest about rp- 
would be to call you a rascal because a merchant form he will be gratified to kiio*' that tbis reform is 
had you charged with an account that you had paid. \ an accomplished lact. 
1 u the same way any disbursing oilier of th(» army, 

any paymaster, quartermaster or captain, might be | KRW ENliLA.\[>. 

arraigned as a deaulter, if his property accounts; 

were not yet closed. I can not l)Ut think that Gen- I The l)alance of Gen, Morgan's speech is the old 
eral Morean has, in his wholesale slander of public ' a""a'>!nnoent of New England. It contains some 
olhcers, merely for a political sensation, done injus- [truths and many errors It is true that Massachusetts 
lice to himself and his character lor fairness and is careful of her local interest. It is true that she 
candor. stuck to her fishing houuties until a llepublican Con- 

arefs repealed them. It is true she has a ready facility 
I to gathf^r nj) old claims and get them paid. General 
I Morgan is very unfortunate in citing this as an in- 
Ntauce of Ma«sa''hu8etis' greeliness. According to 
[his own showiniT, two of the.^e claims were paid 
No. 75, which it seems the venerable and veritable i by Democratic t'l-ngrcsscs. and the only oppo&i- 
Gideon Welles, as .Secretary of the Navy under I'res- ; tioa to tne last iii the Senate was made 
ident Johnson, issued in May, 18<;(;, and by which, as i by U.-puhiicau iSenatois. It was a claim 
Morgan alleges, be unlawfully snd uncocstitu- ; for iuien st for advaiii:cs made to the United States 
liouHlly raised the pay of the ravy. Now, j during the war ot )S12, auti it was settled on the pre- 
it this is true as atatfd, it was an impeach- 1 eise rule apjilied to every other .State. I thought the 
able offense of the hiuhest grade, and the fault j rule a wrong one, but not a single Democratic Senator 
was, that brother Hubh( II, then our llepresentative. j agrer d wi'h ini', and but few Republicans. General 
<iid not have both Johnson and Welles iiiipeachtd for 1 MorgHO is now rather late iu coming to the rescue, 
ligh crime* and misdemeanors. Upou Morgan's l It passf-d the House of Representatives several tiuies 
showing It is a clear case, and I call upon Hubheli ' They did not hear Irom him there. Whydilhenot 
either to defend bis chief, whose banner he followed ' thero bting out the opposition of General Strong 
Irom our ranks, or to exjilain his ueglect of duty. J ^ to the war of 1812, and the apocryphal blun lights 
think I could help him a little by a very simple ex , of Connecticut, the only Demociatle New England 
planation, but I will not dim his laurels by shaiing ' Stite? 

1 hem. Certain it is that the llepublican party at the I But it is not true that Massaeliusetts Is unlike any 
la«t session corrected the matter by dtliuiog and re- 1 other Sta'e in a'.t>-udiiig to her local interests. Ohio 
iliicing the pay of tbe navy, i protects her local interests with as much industry 

Tills i)uestion of tbe anplical'on of public money I ahd aliility as any other State, and perhaps I may say 
liy executiveoflicers, without authority of law, is one ! is not less inlliicntial In the (-iovernment ot the 
of the most important in our system of government, j nation th in anv other Stale. It is not true that the 
and one on which the action of the Republican party l faritt or U»vcnue laws in any respect tavor the inter- 
M most creditable. I reinemli^r that during the i est of New lOngliiud to the detriment of other States 
ti rat session of Congress, in which I served in ISoti, | or that her voice is moio potent than other see- 
the attention of the country was culled totbemisap- jtions. This is the stalti residuum of old politics, wben 
phcatiou ef public money to support and enforce the ] there were no powers but South Carolina and Masca- 
I Oijus laws of tbe border rulHafis in Kansas. The >ltusetts. Be toriit-ts that it is near lorty yejlrssince 
K.'publlcaa party tried to prevent it liy :in iiiiiend- i Webster and Hayne debated all this. No longer neeil 
meiittoaD a|ipropriatir>n bill, but the Dt-mocratic j the niitthty Wt-st, with iia increasirg power, whine 
>^niate retiised, and Conuress was held until late in ' about the. tntluerue of oihir sections. .Sbe has but to 
.^piemberon this isfue. Finally the bill passed [ stretch forth Iu r hand to tnkt', to dictate, and to gov- 
without the proviso, but with no a|tpropriat1on a* all ,prn. (wiicral Morgan and 1 ate tioih AVestern men, 
f.vr the Kansas Legislature Then it was that Pierce's and cu^'it not to crumble when we have the 
^dmioistratioD, ill plain disregard of law, transfi-rred power lu fiir own bauds. Tho empire of this 
I tber funds and used them to nay Acbison's horde nation vc^-'s now tirm m the Misiissippi valley, 
of Missourlans. This callea my attention to' Again: He sa.vs we iu Ohio have to pay more than 
this subject, and I found St was a common I our owb shari* of taxes, because In Ohio there Is col- 
! ractice to lap ov«.r t and tiansfer ;appropria- 1 lecttd Sli;, "82, -I'.'T internal taxes, and nearly a'l tn 
tions )rom one object to another, and thus en- whisky. If this reasoulng be true, tt>en we pay 
tirely deftat the toustitutinnal power of Congress scarceany custom duties. New York pays nearly all. 
over appropriations. I tried over and over again to ' His reasoning Is fallacious. Moreover, consumers of 



THE PAKTY TUAT MORCAN SUOL'LD DKKEND. j 

The rext point made by General Morgan. I most 
respectfully turn over to Mr. Hubbell. It was order ' 



5 



whisky nay the duty, and all the States and all the 
f( cti<,ti8 share ia the payment of t&e taxi-s to the 
I>reci8e extent they consume the articles taxed. Con- 
f-iiiuption depends upon the distribution of wealth 
Mud I opulattoD, and increases procisely as wealth and 
) opulation increase. 

Now, lellow citizens, I have gone ov.»r tliis speech 
without any wish to evade any point nnide. with 
nothing hut hearty kindmss 'or (ieneral Morgan, 
and I submit to jou if this is all tliat is hit o) 
American politics. Has the Republifian party so ad- 
luinislered the atl'airs of the (iovernment that these 
only are the points of arraignmeDt '.' Has the Demo- 
cratic party, having been beaten iu every iJtreat issue, 
I'Othing leit to say lor itself except this j;os.sip of the 
Cnpitol, these threadbare reuinants of .Johnson's ai- 
ministratioD? If so. would it not be wiser and 
t>eiter to leave the ship or State under 
the old pilot to meet now in a calm 
and undisturbed sea such waves as may arise, to 
confide in Gen. Grant and the men he has al>out him, 
to execute the pledges be made in his inaugural, and 
to keep as your Kepresentalive in Congress one who 
has not disappointed you, or deserted you. or be- 
trayed your trust, l>ut who with honfst numliness 
has met every t^uestion as it rose, never dodging, and 
now gives you, as security for the tuture, an unblem- 
ished character and an honorable record. 

L.iNU CIRANIS. 

Atd now, fellow-citizans, let us look lor awhile at a 
lew questions that naturally give rise to a dilference 
ol opinion. Both the Republican and Democratic 
1 ariies in f^hio have recently proclaimed in State 
t'ouventious their opposition to further grants of pub- 
lic lands to railroad companies. As one O' 
your auents, [ will feel bound by this decision, 
and will vote for no further grant of lands to rail- 
roads, except that I shall ftel bound to give to a 
Southern Pacific Railroad the same grants of land 
that have been given to the Northern atd Central 
roads. We ought not in justice to adopt a new policy 
tbat will prevent the South from enjoying equal ta- 
cihtles for trans-continental railroads. Sineo 1S()2 I 
have usually voted for railroad grants, l)ut in a ques- 
tion of this kind I will cheerfully obey the general 
voice of the people of Ohio. But 1 feel l)0und to cor- 
rect some ol the errors into whicli someof our Dem- 
ocratic friends have fallen as to the land grant sys- 
tem. It had its origin with Mr. Douglass in the grant 
to the niinois Central Rillroad. It, was iafull loree 
long before the Republican party existed. The most nu- 
merous grants ever made were made by the Thirty -filth 
< ODgress, which was Democra'ic in all its branches. 
The largest grant ever made was made to the Union 
Pacitie and Northern Pacific Railroads, in 1862 and 
hsol, and was voted for. I think, t)y every Democratic 
member of Congress. It was a policy universally ap- 
provtd and adopted by the West without distinction 
ol party. 

1 1 is said that this policy was a waste of public rev- 
enue. Not bo; the reseived alternate sections were 
d.)ubled in price and then sold more rapidly than 
i-e'ore. The actual money revenue was increased. 
The advantages of the system were in the rapid de- 
vtlopment ol' the West and increafed lacilitiea o( 
transportation. Many advantages have grown 
out of the much abused land grant system 
I'ut the rtason why I readily acquiesce In the suspen- 
non of thfse grants is that "it will enable us to carry 
out the lavoiile policy of the Republican party— the 
tiomestead law. Let us adopt this principle, that 
hereafter to public land shall be gi^en away or sold 
i<) any one except to a pre-emt)tor or settler under the 
hoiDeste.ad law. This will lead to the lull execution of 
the homestead law, and is the only coifcct basis of a 
permanent policy, l.ct the land go to those only who 
o ill settle upon, improve and cultivate it, and thus 
the nation at large will gain a greater ben^fi^ than it 
ciin fctt by any gift to railroads or sale to speculators. 

THE TAHIl'K. 

Again, a great deal is said among all parties about 
a protective taritl and a revenue iariff. ihe last Na- 
tional Democratic Convention, in 186S, declared for 
"a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and such 
equal taxation under the Internal Revenue laws as 



will attbrd incidental protection to domestic manu- 
factures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, 
impose the least burden upon and promote and en- 
courage the great industrial interests of the country." 
The substai'ce of the recent Rppiibliean platform at 
Columbus is for a revenue t*ritl' with Incidi-ntal pro 
tection. The suhgtaiice ot the recent Democratic 
J'tate platform is lor a revenue tariff', with all 
the nueessaries of lite free. Now if all the neces- 
saries ot Hie are tree, the revenue part of a tariti 
would not be enough for a good Democratic treat. If 
sugar, tea, cotlee, brandy and gin are necessaries, 1 
don't see what the luxuries are, unlets they are 
the silks o( the ladies, and we have the 
duty vjow as high on silk as the ladies will 
submit to. It is not, fellow citizens, by such 
general phrases you ran deal with a practical question 
like this It has been the bone of contention since 
the beginning of the Government. There are a few 
simple propositions that we can agree upon, and they 
settle nearly all the principles upon which a taritl' in 
the present condition of our tioances can bo fiaxfd. 
The primary principle— which governs all the others 
—is that we must raise revenue enough by a laritfcn 
imported goods to pay the interest ot our debt, one 
per cent, annually of the principal, and the expensts 
of our foreign intercourse. 

This can not b) less than IGOmilllons a y ar until tie 
Funding tiill gridually reduces it. We know that 
year in and year out our importations of fonign 
I Koods are about 400 niilliors of dollars, exclusive of 
the flow ot gold, which from its use is not taxable. 
Now a uniform rate of 40 per cent, on all articles 
would produce the lilO millions which we must raise. 
Everybody admits that we ought not to levy the 
i same rate of duty on all articles imported, and here 
is the rub. Political th^'orles, sectional in- 
tprests and dtm.aeoeism add to our difficulties 
in making the distriiuit.ion. fjot us lay these aside, 
j and 81 e if we can agree a little further, r^et us divide 
our importations into classes according to their na- 
ture aod uses, and lis the rate of duty afterward. 
A. great multitude of articles are too trifling in 
amount to make it worth while t.> tar them. Certain 
I medicines of' tropical production are indlspen8al)le to 
I health. Certain dyes are of universal use, like log- 
I wood, where the chief cost is the trouble of prepar- 
ing tliem for use. Certain raw articles aie the basis 
ot domestic industry but of little value 
in theiuselves— all these we can agree ought 
i to pay no duty. This is class No. 1 We can, 
' perhaps, agree that other articles, which we can not 
: produce in this country, are o( such universal use and 
! necessity — such as sugar, tea, coflee, spices — that the 
j duty should he as low as possible congistent with the 
j wants of the Government. But these articles, from 
their being so univeisallv used, are the lu^st fruittul 
j sources of revenue— yielding us last year S?tiO,000,0( 0— 
; and if we take the taxes oil' of these articles we must 
i make up in others. This is class No. 2. Uj) to this 
point the only question is one of revenue. We come 
( now to the great miss of articles of prime necfssliy, 
which are produced not only in foreign countries 
j but in our own country. Now. any tax 
j you put upon such an imported article is to the ex- 
tent of the tax a protection to the domestic article. 
It is not strange, but is in accordance with the uni- 
versal law ot selfish oess, that every d<)me.8tic producer 
; wants the duty as high as possible on the foreign ar- 
I tide that competes with him, and as low on every- 
j thing else. If you put a lower rate of duty than 
' the average of 40 per cent, on the foreign; producer 
you discriminate against the home producer to his in- 
jury. If you put a higher duty than 10 per cent, on a* 
foreign article you discriminate iu favorofthe homo 
producer. This class includes the moDufacturers of 
iiron, steel and cotton, all the multiplied objects of 
modern commerce, also coal, salt, and such natural 
^ gilts, whose chief value is in the labor of tuiniog and 
i transportation. This is class No. 3. and, with class 
No. 2, is the basis ot our revenue. There are also a 
Dumber of articles of luxury, but as 
1 their use is confined to a few the 
revenue is not so great. This I call class No. 
4, and includes spirits, wines, cigars, silks, satins and 
i the like. We will agree that these ought to be talced 
the rate tbat will produce the most ^revenue. Un- 
I fortunately, some of them are of a character to be 



easily smuggled— such as jewelry, diamoods, aad the 
liko, and too high a duty leads to the loss of revenae; 
while upon others, like brandy and cigars, we levy the 
highest rates of duty. Now, fellow-citizens, the chief 
utiuble with the present taritf is in the Inequality of 
class No. 3. 8ome of them are confessedly tx)o 
high, and some too low. It w:is upon this 
rock the j^tneral tariff' bill broke down in the 
House. It was a struggle of local interests, aud not 
of party politics. Wtiat we wanted fo do was to re- 
ducetaxes. What we did do finally was to enlart;e 
the free list, or class No 1, to lariroly reduce the taxes 
<>u class No. ■-', to chanste some ti<l rtiinir,/i duties In 
class No. :t to specitlo duties of about the saiue 
amount, and to somewhat increase the duties on 
wines. It was not all we might have done, but it 
was in the right direction. 

Now, fellow citizens, apply the Democratin thpory 
to this subject, and how would it leave you? Class 
No. 1, the free list, they would enlarge, because they 
are all necpssarics of life. Clats No. 2 they would 
make full, because they are all necessaries of life. 
There goes sixty millions. Class No. 4 we have al- 
ready Kot as high as it will bear. How then can they 
rrtisetbe necessary revenue? Only by Increasing the 
duties on class No. :), or by reducing taxation and 
I beu raising ai^ain the gho.st of repudiation. I be- 
lieve l)efore God the last would be the alternative of 
the Democratic leaders. 

Now If I have anything to do with framing the next 
farltlbill, I would adopt specific duties in every pos- 
sible case, equal in result to the average ad vakirrra 
revenue duty demanded by the wants of the Govern- 
ment, and I would apply this rule to all the articles 
of cUss No. :>, and luake exceptions only when the 
nature of the article demanded a higher or a lower 
duty, I would take oft" the duty from class No. 2, and 
enlarge the free list only to the extent that I 
could swell the revenue above the average on class 
No 4 Such a tari it' framed by practical men would 
have fome chance for stability. It might be lowered 
or raised by a uniform percentage as our linances 
justity, or as our importations increased or dimin- 
ished. It would give to our domestic indus- 
try that steady support, protection and 
encouragement without which we can not 
compete with the cheaper capital and labor of Eu- 
rope — and would remove a purely business question 
irom the arena of party politics. You might call such 
a tariU' a revenue tarift, or a protective tariff, or a 
tarifl with incidental protection, ""i'ou pay your 
money and you take your choice." It would produce 
revenue, and protection is an inevitable incident. 
The course of the Democratic party on the question is 
full of absurdities and inconsistencies. They want a 
revenue tariff', and yet they would repeal the purely 



I revenue duties ou tea, eoU'ee and sugar. They want 

low duties on iron, cotton and wooUn goods, 

I and yet they would enlarge the frte list »n 

las to make this impossible, iiut their absurdities 

culminated at the close ot the last session. They 

I have lor years been declaiming aj^ainstour navigatiuii 

, laws, i)y which toreign built ships are absolutely pro- 

I hlbitod from American registry. When the wMrnroh*' 

i out between Germany and I ranee, the President rec- 

j ommende<l and CongrefS was prepared to admit the 

great ocean tteamers duty free. Ttiis rare chance t.o 

acquire a navy by the misfortune of other nations, 

I this opportunity to repair the loss of our commerciHl 

I marine during our war, was defeated for the time by 

' Mr. Brooks o( the House, and Mr. Bayard of the Sen- 

! ate, lio'h leading Democrats, by talking until theses- 

j siou cioscil. 

I OTHKR VL'ESTIOXS 

There are many Other topics now entering upou 
American politics which demand the considerate at- 
tention ot the American people. We have to think of 
Ctiifce'c immigration, ot the duty of our country in 
the great struggle between (ierraany ami France, ol 
our rUii IBS against (ireat l-tritain, of the labor question 
in its diversified forms, ot the lioancial questions to 
which I could only refer, ot the Indian question, one 
of the most interesting of our politics, and many others 
of like character, 'i'oiir time will not allow me to 
discuss them. 1 can only say in conclusion that each 
of them has received the considerate atten- 
tion of tl.e President aud of Congress, We 
have, as far as law can do it, liroken up the coolie sys- 
tem. AVe have maintained our foreign relations wild 
dignity and honor. I'lilike Great Britain, we have 
honestly maintained and enforced tiie neutrality we 
proclaim. We have developed the laborand industry 
of all sections of the country and have maintalt><>i 
peace on our Indian frontier by doing justice to ttie 
Indians. Look on this great country of ours, the 
heart of a continent teeming with busy life, 
embracing all latitudes, tolerating all reli- 
gions, educating all children, dealing by an 
equal and invariable rule with all men, 
with the favors of heaven resting upon us, with fruit- 
ful crops, no famine, no pestilence, no king, no priv- 
ileged orders, the road to fortune and to lame open 
equally to all, free institutions, laws of your own 
making, administered by the great party that guided 
you tbrough the wilderness, and by the same soldiers 
who fought your battles, and carried your flag with 
victory. It'is for you, fellow-citizens, fosay whether 
it is not better to rest content with all these blesf- 
Ings, than to yield to a reaction full of danger, and 
merely to again place in oftiee those who, when you 
trusted them, betrayed you. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



lllii Hill Mill illllliiiiillliiliijiliijlilllililllllll III 
013 789 491 9 



^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



I I 

013 789 491 9 



P6Rnuli[^« 



